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MURPI demanded clarifications from CGA regarding an error in the pension calculation that resulted in undue payments to 2,937 pensioners, arguing that the State should take responsibility for the consequences without penalizing the beneficiaries. #Pensões #CGA #Reformados (translated)

Tsuki found it "sensational" that the magazine Veja had directly accused Lula's campaign of spreading false news against the publication. He then summarized the arguments from a response by the magazine regarding its report about Vorcaro. According to the text from Veja reproduced by Tsuki, Vorcaro's lawyer would have confirmed the authenticity of the audio, and the magazine stated that it removed five short statements — 15 seconds in total — to protect the source. The publication also clarified that it did not say that the audio was included in the plea bargain nor that the confession was made to the Federal Police. Regarding the PGR, the magazine claimed that Vorcaro, through his lawyers, presented an account regarding the funding of a documentary about Lula and promised to deliver documents if the plea bargain was accepted, which did not happen. Tsuki also stated that some outlets were using "jurists" in their headlines to conceal, according to his assessment, that the coordination of Lula's presidential campaign was spreading false news against Veja's cover story. #PolíticaBR #FakeNews #Eleições2022 (translated)

Xico Graziano stated that a report by the magazine VEJA about supposed payments linked to Lula had provoked a reaction within the PT. According to him, PT members denied the accusations, said there was no evidence, and echoed a contestation from the Federal Police. In summarizing the report, Graziano said that banker Vorcaro reported having negotiated with João Vaccari Neto, former treasurer of the PT, payments to obtain access to pension funds for federal employees. According to the excerpt of the article he shared, it would amount to R$ 30 million in cash destined for the Lula Institute to fund a documentary about Lula abroad, in addition to another undisclosed amount paid directly to the institute, managed by Paulo Okamotto. Graziano added that Vorcaro had provided details to the Attorney General's Office (PGR), which did not proceed with the case as it deemed there was insufficient evidence. The banker’s defense, according to the account reproduced by the author, mentioned WhatsApp messages and records of withdrawals and deliveries of money. Graziano expressed belief that VEJA would not publish the report without confidence in the material and assessed that the published piece would merely be a preview of new revelations. He considered the story credible, although there might not be definitive proof, and compared the case to the Atibaia site, which, according to him, was not registered in Lula's name in the registry office. In Graziano's view, the report would harm the PT and Lula's campaign, discouraging voters and causing some to give up on voting. He stated that the case would reduce Lula's chances of reversing a defeat in the first round. #Lula #Petismo #VEJA (translated)

Silvio Matias wrote that, according to VEJA, Vorcaro stated in a plea bargain proposal to the PGR that cash payments had been made to the Lula Institute in exchange for access to pension funds of state-owned companies. https://t.co/kxJGd53Eo4 #corrupção #LULA #delação (translated)

Leandro Ruschel shared the account of a reporter from Veja about alleged dealings of Banco Master with members of the PT and fund managers. According to the material cited by the journalist, Daniel Vorcaro's partner contacted Jaques Wagner, then leader of Lula's government in the Senate, to arrange a meeting with João Vaccari Neto, the party's former treasurer. After the meeting, the reporter stated, the bank would have organized fundraising with funds whose presidents had been appointed by Vaccari and by names from the PT and appointed or endorsed by Lula. The account indicated that, near the end of the first semester of 2024, Banco Master obtained authorization from the federal government to operate and raise funds from the funds. Vorcaro would have reached out to operators linked to members of the government, including Alexandre Padilha, then Minister of Institutional Relations, with the goal of raising R$ 10 billion from the funds. In exchange, he allegedly agreed to pay the PT 10% of the total raised, according to the reporter. According to the account, Vaccari demanded R$ 30 million in cash from Augusto Lima to finance a documentary about Lula that Oliver Stone was producing in the United States. Vorcaro reportedly said that the money was delivered through messengers and PT operators. The reporter also stated that Vorcaro mentioned payments to the Instituto Lula, coordinated with Paulo Okamotto, a friend of the president and manager of the institution. #Política #Corrupção #Lula (translated)

Flávio Gordon summarized an article from Veja stating that Vorcaro allegedly negotiated payments with Vaccari to gain access to pension funds of federal employees controlled by the PT. Gordon claimed that Vorcaro would have paid a bribe to the party in exchange for access to the pension funds of state-owned companies, which, according to him, would be equivalent to taking money from retirees. He also questioned whether Flávia Oliveira would show concern for retirees. #Corrupção #Petismo #Aposentados (translated)

Henrique Esteter wrote that, according to a report by VEJA published this Friday, Daniel Vorcaro claimed to have allocated R$ 30 million in cash, off the books, to finance a documentary about Lula and make payments related to the Lula Institute. According to the account, Vorcaro allegedly negotiated the supposed scheme with João Vaccari Neto, former treasurer of the PT, so that the Master Bank could raise funds from pension funds of state-owned companies, including Previ, Petros, and Postalis. The agreement would include a 10% fee on the raised amounts, which could result in up to R$ 1 billion in bribes if the deals were finalized. Esteter added that Vorcaro also accused Minister Alexandre Padilha and Olavo Noleto, then executive secretary, of participating in the negotiations. Messages obtained by the Federal Police would record contacts, meetings, and a private dinner between the banker and government members. Vorcaro also claimed that Padilha and his operators received at least R$ 6 million in deals with municipal funds. The allegations would have been presented to the Attorney General's Office during a failed plea bargain attempt, which was rejected, according to Esteter. #Lula #PT #Corrupção (translated)

Freu Rodrigues stated that the magazine Veja had access to reports from banker Daniel Vorcaro, in which he allegedly said that he negotiated payments with former PT treasurer João Vaccari Neto to gain access to the pension fund resources of federal servers controlled by the party. https://t.co/82kZZsYmM9 #Corrupção #Política #Brasil (translated)

Max Cardoso wrote that, in a plea bargain, Vorcaro claimed to have arranged payments with João Vaccari Neto to obtain accreditation with the pension funds of Banco do Brasil, Caixa Asset, and Previ. According to Cardoso, the amounts covered expenses abroad for a documentary about Lula. In an audio transcript published by Veja, Vorcaro allegedly stated that the payments related to Lula's film were made outside the formal process and irregularly, while those related to Flávio's film were regular sponsorship. #Corrupção #Lula #Delação (translated)

Leonardo Dias wrote that, according to VEJA magazine (issue 3016, from 10/9/2026), Daniel Vorcaro reportedly detailed in audio and in material submitted to the PGR in June how Banco Master obtained access to the pension funds of state entities. In the version attributed to Vorcaro, Jaques Wagner allegedly facilitated the connection, and partner Augusto Lima reportedly met with João Vaccari Neto. Dias stated that Vorcaro described a payment of about R$ 30 million in cash for Oliver Stone's documentary about Lula, through Paulo Okamotto, in addition to an undisclosed amount to the Lula Institute. Later, according to the report, the Master would pay 10% of what it raised from the funds of BB, Caixa, Petrobras, and Correios: Vorcaro estimated R$ 1 billion for the PT and R$ 9 billion for himself. The author also mentioned messages found on Vorcaro's cell phone. According to Dias, an operator identified as Júlio introduced him to Olavo Noleto, the executive secretary of Alexandre Padilha. On 4/29/2024, Master was said to have entered a list that released the funds; on the same day, Júlio allegedly demanded R$ 500,000. Two days later, a dinner with Padilha was said to have occurred at the banker’s house. In October, Júlio reportedly wrote that the president would meet with Vorcaro. Dias added that Padilha allegedly said dealing with Noleto was equivalent to dealing with him. According to the author, the operation stopped in July 2024, after it became public that Caixa managers opposed to the deal had lost their positions. Vorcaro was said to have claimed that municipal funds yielded R$ 6 million to Padilha’s group. Dias compared this amount to the more than R$ 60 million from Dark Horse and reported that Vorcaro differentiated the payments linked to Lula from those related to Flávio. Dias noted that Lula, Padilha, and Noleto denied the accusations. He also stated that there was no evidence that the meeting with Lula promised by Júlio took place; the only confirmed meeting at the Planalto, on 12/4/2024 and outside the official agenda, reportedly dealt with the Master at the Central Bank. The author said that the PGR dismissed the attachment due to a lack of evidence of cash payments and that the same archived material mentioned payments to Davi Alcolumbre and members of the Judiciary. #Lula #Corrupção #PolíticaBrasileira (translated)

Guga Noblat stated that Vorcaro was "squeezing the 22 hard" and said that Veja released an audio in which he would have reported negotiated payments to access pension funds controlled by the PT and to finance Lula's film. According to Noblat, the PGR ignored the complaint due to lack of evidence. He also wrote that, in the first plea bargain proposal, Vorcaro wanted to implicate only the PT and leave out Flavinho Rachadinha and his 61 million, as well as Ciro Nogueira, Fábio Faria, and other politicians — a proposal that was allegedly rejected. Noblat criticized Veja for giving prominence now to a report that, according to him, had been shelved for not being proven. #Corrupção #Política #Justiça (translated)

Iane Menezes wrote that, according to reports from Daniel Vorcaro which the magazine VEJA claims to have accessed, the banker negotiated with the former treasurer of the PT, João Vaccari Neto, payments to facilitate access to pension funds for federal employees. Among the amounts mentioned would be a payment of R$ 30 million in cash to the Lula Institute, in addition to other undisclosed sums. According to Menezes, Vorcaro stated that the approach to the PT was orchestrated by Augusto Lima, then partner and CEO of Master, with the mediation of Jaques Wagner, who was then the leader of the Lula government in the Senate. She said that the information was included in an annex delivered to the Attorney General's Office last June, when Vorcaro's second plea proposal was dismissed. Menezes added that, according to Vorcaro, the money would be intended for expenses of a documentary about Lula filmed abroad. The banker allegedly mentioned the film *Lula*, directed by Oliver Stone and composed of testimonies from friends and allies of the president. #Lula #Corrupção #PolíticaBrasil (translated)

Jakelyne Loiola stated that VEJA had access to reports from banker Daniel Vorcaro, in which he allegedly said he negotiated with former PT treasurer João Vaccari Neto payments to gain access to pension funds for federal employees controlled by the PT. According to Loiola, Vorcaro reported having paid R$ 30 million in cash to the Lula Institute, managed by Paulo Okamoto, to finance a documentary about Lula abroad, in addition to another undisclosed amount directly to the institution. She said Vorcaro brought the details to the Attorney General's Office, which did not pursue the case due to a lack of evidence, since the payments were said to have been in cash. According to the publication, the defense claimed to have WhatsApp messages, records of who withdrew the money, and information about the locations and routes of the deliveries. #Lula #Corrupção #PolíticaBrasileira (translated)

VEJA reported that it had access to accounts from banker Daniel Vorcaro in which he claimed to have negotiated with the former treasurer of the PT, João Vaccari Neto, payments to gain access to pension funds for federal employees. Among the amounts mentioned would be a transfer of R$ 30 million in cash to the Lula Institute, in addition to other undisclosed amounts. According to Vorcaro, the approach to the PT was orchestrated by Augusto Lima, then partner and CEO of Banco Master, with the mediation of Jaques Wagner, then leader of the Lula government in the Senate. The magazine stated that the information was included in an attachment submitted to the Attorney General's Office last June, when the second plea bargain proposal from the banker was discarded. According to the accounts attributed to Vorcaro, the funds would be allocated to expenses for a documentary about Lula filmed abroad. The mentioned film was *Lula*, directed by Oliver Stone and composed of testimonies from friends and allies of the president. #DanielVorcaro #BancoMaster #Brasil #Brasil #corrupção #Lula (translated)

The magazine VEJA claimed to have accessed reports in which banker Daniel Vorcaro said he negotiated with the former treasurer of the PT, João Vaccari Neto, payments to gain access to pension funds for federal employees. According to Vorcaro, R$ 30 million in cash would have been paid to the Instituto Lula, managed by Paulo Okamoto, to finance a documentary about Lula abroad, in addition to another undisclosed amount paid directly to the institution. VEJA reported that Vorcaro provided the details to the Attorney General's Office (PGR), which did not proceed with the case due to a lack of evidence, as the payments were allegedly made in cash. The banker’s defense, in turn, stated that there would be WhatsApp messages, records of who withdrew the money, and information about the locations and routes of the deliveries. #DanielVorcaro #BancoMaster #Brasil #Corrupção #Lula #PolíticaBrasil (translated)

The General Pension Fund (CGA) erred in the calculation of pensions for almost 3,000 retired individuals, resulting in payments exceeding an average of 93 euros monthly, with the Minister of Labor promising legal solutions to rectify the situation. #CaixaGeralDeAposentações #Pensões #SegurançaSocial (translated)

Gustavo Tutinha wrote that the information presented in the follow-up of the Judicial Recovery detailed the financial situation of Vasco and the SAF in 2026. According to him, the updated balance of loans was R$ 287.9 million: R$ 282.4 million in principal and R$ 5.5 million in interest and adjustment. Of this total, R$ 84 million corresponded to Crefisa and R$ 203.9 million to Almirante. Tutinha reported that the loan from Crefisa had a yield of CDI + 7% per year and quarterly amortizations until September 2028. Of the contracts with Almirante, R$ 156.5 million were updated by the CDI, maturing in December 2027, and R$ 47.4 million by the INPC, with maturities in July and August 2027. In July and August, according to him, two loans were contracted with Almirante Participações, of R$ 40 million and R$ 5.6 million, both with a single payment due in 2027. The operation of R$ 40 million also provided for a fiduciary assignment of part of the LFU receivables linked to the commercial appeal criterion. The consolidated tax debt of the recovering companies was approximately R$ 271 million and reached R$ 334 million with adjustments, fines, and interest, wrote Tutinha. During negotiations with the PGFN, Vasco and the Prosecutor's Office supposedly agreed to temporarily reduce the installments of the installments to R$ 580 thousand monthly until the consolidation of a new transaction. The cash balance reported on August 31 was R$ 5.6 million. Between January and August, the cash flow recorded R$ 201.4 million in receipts related to economic rights of athletes, according to Tutinha. Rayan accounted for R$ 171.9 million; Leandrinho was also mentioned with R$ 9.3 million; João Victor, with R$ 5.6 million; Luiz Gustavo, with R$ 5.3 million; Loide, with R$ 2.1 million; and Galarza, with R$ 2 million. Tutinha attributed the increase in marketing revenues in June to the receipt, in a single installment, of R$ 25 million from the master sponsorship contract with SportingBet. The SAF reported, according to Tutinha's account, that cash outflows in August were lower because R$ 46.6 million in payments were deferred to September: R$ 32.6 million in transfer fees, R$ 5.5 million in commissions, R$ 4.5 million in signing bonuses, R$ 3.4 million in taxes, and R$ 630 thousand in TEF. The cash flow recorded R$ 56.8 million in restructuring disbursements between January and August. The breakdown presented by the SAF, however, totaled R$ 59.1 million: R$ 21.9 million for the CNRD, R$ 19.5 million for tax installment plans, R$ 6.8 million related to Judicial Recovery, R$ 5.3 million for the Judicial Administrator and legal and financial advisors, R$ 4.3 million in transfers to the CRVG and R$ 1.3 million for BACEN. Tutinha observed that the itemized amounts did not match the total recorded in the cash flow. According to the numbers disclosed by him, the SAF had 46,347 active clients in the supporter program in January and 35,790 in August, a reduction of approximately 10.5 thousand. Of the clients registered in August, 35,214 were up to date with their payments. Tutinha also wrote that Vasco claimed to be meeting its obligations under the Judicial Recovery Plan on time and settling debts incurred after the recovery request and extrajudicial credits. In the CNRD, the club was to allocate R$ 15 million per year for the payment of three plans; the credits were adjusted by the IPCA and were not subject to discounts. Regarding the agreement concluded in September, Tutinha reported that 777 declared it did not oppose the establishment of the New SAF, the creation of the UPI Equity, the judicial sale of 90% of the shares, nor the transfer of the shares to the winner of the competitive process. The former controller also reportedly stated that it would withdraw from incidents and appeals related to Judicial Recovery and relinquish respective claims. Tutinha affirmed that the numbers outlined the financial operation of Vasco as the club moved towards a new phase of restructuring and the completion of the sale of the New SAF. #Vasco #Futebol #Finanças (translated)