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Effective altruism, an ethical doctrine that emerged in Oxford, has gained political and social influence by involving young millionaires in the fight against the dangers of artificial intelligence, although it has also faced criticisms that consider it an antidemocratic and strange movement. #AltruismoEficaz #InteligenciaArtificial #ÉticaSociológica (translated)

"The risk of contagion to other countries and to the entire eurozone is very high and could cause a serious crisis for the entire region," said Angel Talavera, chief economist for Europe at the consulting firm Oxford Economics, to CNN. "Considering the size and systemic importance of France, the risk of contagion to other countries and to the entire eurozone is very high and could cause a serious crisis for the entire region." #Proteste #CrizaDatoriei #EconomiaEuropei (translated)

"The possibility of spillover to other countries and the eurozone as a whole is enormous, which could trigger a serious crisis across the entire region," said Angel Talavera, chief economist for Europe at the consultancy Oxford Economics, to CNN. #Francuska #gospodarstvo #prosvjedi (translated)

Hasnain Kazim remembered the third anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7, 2023. At that time, he arrived by bicycle in Heidelberg and heard discussions about the attack in the marketplace. The terror had strengthened his resolve to stand against extremism. He described the attack as the largest mass murder of Jews since the Holocaust. Kazim wrote that religiously justified restrictions and violence had occupied him since childhood. He had experienced, among other things, the outrage over a joke by Rudi Carrell about Khomeini, the persecution of Salman Rushdie, and the deaths of more than a dozen acquaintances, friends, and colleagues at the hands of Islamist extremists. He had also found statements that praised Hitler or Osama bin Laden to be profoundly unbearable. Since October 7, 2023, he has observed that Hamas terrorists are celebrated in Germany as well. In Berlin-Neukölln, people distributed candies after the massacre. Kazim also criticized the fact that some young people appeared with keffiyehs and pro-Palestinian slogans without understanding their political and historical significance. He wrote that Hamas fighters and bin Laden are portrayed on TikTok as representatives of the oppressed or as opponents of capitalism. At the same time, Kazim warned of extremists demanding mass "remigration" and threatening people who appeared foreign or Muslim to them. He accused the political center of not rejecting Islamism and the glorification of terror decisively enough and of ceding the political space to others. He did not want to live in a society where extremists set the tone, nor in one where Sharia law prevailed and religious authorities dictated people's lives. Kazim also referred to the vulnerability of people who could be identified as Jewish, as well as the need for protection for restaurants, kindergartens, schools, places of worship, and diplomatic missions. This was neither resistance nor criticism of the Israeli government, he wrote. In conclusion, he commemorated the victims of October 7, wished healing and peace for the injured, and called for the defeat of the terrorists. #Terrorismus #Extremismus #Frieden (translated)

The author of the entry questioned Kania's claim about "hundreds of scientific publications" by Karol Nawrocki. He referred to the official IPN biography, according to which Nawrocki wrote seven books and several dozen scientific and journalistic articles, as well as to the biography on the website of the President of Poland, which mentions several dozen scientific and popular science publications. He indicated that Nawrocki's leadership of the Museum of the Second World War and the IPN does not justify, in his opinion, defining these institutions as the largest educational and research facilities in Poland. The author accused Kania of exaggerating Nawrocki's achievements and reducing Radosław Sikorski's accomplishments to his estate in Chobielin and his wife Anne Applebaum. He pointed out Oxford, Sikorski's international activities, and his roles as Minister of Defense, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Speaker of the Sejm, and Member of the European Parliament. He added that Sikorski's statement could be criticized, but he did not believe that its history was fabricated. He also criticized Kania for basing the correction on what he called hyperboles and omissions. #nauka #publikacje #Polska (translated)

The Emirates warned Britain about the possible restriction of billion-dollar investments in response to the verdict against Manchester City, which could negatively impact bilateral relations between the two countries as well as the planned technological corridor between Oxford and Cambridge. #ManchesterCity #investice #technologie (translated)

Professor Nick Maynard, gastrointestinal surgeon at Oxford University Hospitals and volunteer at the Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis, Gaza, wrote that some adolescent boys sent by their families to the food distribution points of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation arrived with injuries. #Gaza #AiutoUmanitario #Salute #PS #GB #PS (translated)

The Return to Feudalism in 21st Century Garb A simple observer's viewpoint, with no claim to hold any absolute truth. The Veneer Cracks There is something strangely archaic about the world unfolding before our eyes, despite its satellites, artificial intelligence, and promises of infinite progress. Here and there, we witness heads of state behaving like feudal lords of another age, patiently nibbling away at the neighboring territory, redrawing borders through force rather than law, as if governing a nation mattered less than expanding one's fiefdom. No names need be mentioned here: current events provide plenty of illustration, and each reader will recognize, according to their own geography and moment of reading, the faces that embody this observation. But this return to the archaic is not confined to grand geopolitical stages. It also permeates the most ordinary daily life—that of social media, where anyone can pour out venom against another without filter, without form, and often without the slightest argument. The verbal jousting of yesteryear, with its codes, its rhetoric, its tacit limits, has given way to raw invective, snap judgment, instant condemnation. We no longer debate: we execute, verbally—and sometimes it doesn't stop at words. The Vanished Inhibition What strikes one, in this dual observation—macro-political and micro-social—is the lifting of an inhibition we thought firmly anchored. Centuries of cultural construction, education, philosophy, sometimes religion, had patiently shaped mechanisms of restraint: politeness as social ritual, argumentation as a mode of resolving disagreement, respect for one's opponent as the very foundation of democratic debate. This civilizational veneer, however fragile it always was, seemed to hold. Today it is cracking, and the question—which for me remains a simple hypothesis, not a certainty—is why. A convenient explanation would blame social media: anonymity, the distance of the screen, the instantaneousness of publication would favor verbal acting-out without the usual mediation of reflection. This is probably true, but likely insufficient. For technology here is only an accelerant, an amplifier—not necessarily a root cause. A Poorly Formatted Neocortex? The more unsettling hypothesis—and I frame it explicitly as hypothesis, not scientifically established fact—is that of a failure in the formation of moral judgment and tolerance toward otherness. The human brain possesses the neural structures enabling empathy, the distancing of impulsive reaction, the acceptance of difference—but these capacities are not innate in their full exercise: they must be built, educated, cultivated, like a muscle that needs patient training from childhood onward. If this education in otherness, nuance, and tolerance of disagreement erodes—for multiple and undoubtedly complex reasons that are not mine to settle here—then older reflexes resurface: instinctive distrust of the stranger outside the clan, the law of the strongest, the logic of territorial or symbolic predation. The other ceases to be a possible interlocutor and becomes once again a potential threat, unless they belong to my tribe, my clan, my party, my digital bubble. Two Scales, One Logic What is striking, in this deliberately provocative reading, is the structural similarity between these two scales. The leader who invades a neighbor in the name of a rediscovered greatness or a reinvented historical right, and the anonymous internet user who insults a stranger in the name of an unnegotiable conviction, may obey the same underlying grammar: that of territory to defend, clan to protect, the other to subdue or exclude rather than understand. The form has changed—satellites instead of horses, tweets instead of heralds—but the substance, in this reading that remains mine alone and commits no one else, seems strangely identical to that of feudal rivalries: the absence of a recognized third party, of an accepted common rule, of a respected arbitrating authority. Everyone becomes judge and party, lord of their own digital or territorial fiefdom. A Civilization on a Knife's Edge Norbert Elias, in his Civilizing Process, showed how Western societies had historically built, with remarkable slowness, an increasing control over impulses and direct violence, in favor of more sublimated forms of social regulation. What we may be observing today—and I stress again the conditional—is a form of regression in this process, or at least a fragilization of the veneer it had patiently laid down. Should we see this as an effect of great technological accelerations, which shake up our cognitive rhythms without leaving education time to adapt? A deeper crisis of the institutions tasked with transmitting these values of tolerance—school, family, religion, the rule of law? Or simply a cyclical movement of human history, where phases of policed civilization alternate with darker backlashes? I have no certain answer, and I would be wary of anyone claiming to hold one. In Conclusion, a Shared Concern This text is only a viewpoint, necessarily partial and subjective, on a world that sometimes seems to replay ancient logics in new clothing. Perhaps I am wrong to perceive a continuity between the feudal lord and the contemporary dictator, between the anonymous online insult and the absence of education in nuance. Perhaps these phenomena are unrelated, or too complex to be thus summarized. But if this reading, even partially, hits the mark, then the question that arises is less one of technological regulation—though necessary—than the far more arduous question of how to rebuild, generation after generation, this capacity to accept the other in their difference, to debate without destroying, to coexist without necessarily dominating. This undertaking, if it exists, will not be resolved by an algorithm nor by an international treaty. It plays out, patiently, in the most elementary education—the one that teaches a child that the other is not a threat, but a possibility. Bibliography Elias, N. (1939). Über den Prozess der Zivilisation [The Civilizing Process]. Oxford: Blackwell (Eng. trans. 1978-1982). Lorenz, K. (1963). Das sogenannte Böse [On Aggression]. London: Methuen (Eng. trans. 1966). Arendt, H. (1970). On Violence. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. Han, B.-C. (2013). Im Schwarm [In the Swarm: Digital Prospects]. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press (Eng. trans. 2017).

Nevím, co jste vystudoval vy a čím se živíte, ale příště doporučuji číst, než se vydáte do dobrodružství komentování, můžete pak vypadat jako hlupák. Ale tipuji, že jste se také určitě zabýval AI na Oxfordské univerzitě! "Mgr. Jan Kulveit, Ph.D. Jan Kulveit se v současné době zabývá výzkumem komplexním systémů složeným z lidí a umělých inteligencí a matematickými teoriemi spolupráce a laskavosti. Doktorát z fyziky získal na Matematicko-fyzikální fakultě Univerzity Karlově v Praze. Před CTS působil jako výzkumný pracovník na Future of Humanity Institute na Oxfordské univerzitě a zabýval se makrostrategií, sladěním AI s lidskými zájmy a existenciálním rizikem. Během pandemie covid spoluzaložil projekt Epidemic Forecasting a pracoval na modelování pandemie." #AI #věda #komunikace

🇬🇧 | AHORA — La población de Piddington, Oxfordshire, vota a favor de independizarse del Reino Unido en un referéndum luego de que el gobierno intentara enviarles 1200 inmigrantes musulmanes masculinos. ✅ INDEPENDENCIA: 91% 🇬🇧 REINO UNIDO: 9% https://t.co/zy316FEvFG #Independencia #ReinoUnido #Piddington

Mark Carney: Harvard, Oxford, PhD z ekonomie, guvernér Bank of Canada a Bank of England, šéf Financial Stability Board. Vzdělání, zkušenosti, globální rozhled, výsledky. Jasně vidí výhody EU. Zatímco mnozí politici v ČR stále nedokážou vykouknout z české kotliny. Ten kontrast‼️ #MarkCarney #EU #ekonomie #CA #GB #EU #CZ

Artikkel käsitleb, kuidas väike Inglise küla Piddington Oxfordshire'i piirkonnas tõusis Briti rändepoliitika vastaste kultuurisõdade keskmesse rahvahääletuse kaudu, kus kohalikud elanikud väljendasid meeleheidet valitsuse plaanide üle majutada lähedal asuvasse sõjaväealasse varjupaigataotlejaid. #Piddington #sisseränne #varjupaigataotlejad

Rozdíl mezi dnešním Polskem a ČR nemůže ilustrovat nic lépe, než osoby ministrů zahraničí. 🇵🇱R. Sikorski, absolvent Oxfordu se zkušeností z Afghánistánu, autor řady citovaných publikací, světově uznávaný politik a novinář, přednášející na Harvardu, držitel mnoha řádů a pravděpodobný budoucí šéf NATO, držitel britského občanství (manželka světoznámá americká politoložka Anne Applebaumová), vs. 🇨🇿P. Macinka s prapodivným vzděláním a špatnou angličtinou, jehož nejvyšší dosaženou profesní metou je pozice poskoka v obskurním Institutu Václava Klause. #Polsko #ČeskáRepublika #politika